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K9/7 '"tr, °«.* ^SioDleJau^iulald/ VoLIV SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, JUNE i, 1901 No 29 Seattle Mail and Herald Published Every Saturday at 306-307 Bailey Bldg. Phone Main 488. By The Mail Publishing: Co., Inc. Edgar L. Hampton Editor Sl'BSCKII'l'lON SATES Twelve Months. $1.00. Six Months. 50c. Entered at the PostosVs at Seattle, as Second-class Mail Matter. STRIKES. It it be true that strikes are the out- eome ot pinched conditions in a country then it must follow that the present time in the present McKinley administration, is seriously ailing. The fallacy of the generally accepted idea (lt strike*, however, may be found in ,ll(. contradictory statement that •ikes-' are the result of a restless spir- i manifest either on the part of em- i,,ver or employee. When times are good, an" generally admitted so, men are as apt to strike for higher wages B the? are a^1 t0 strike against a reduction <>t wanes in hard times. The person*! matter involved is always ap- parent. It is difficult to convince eith- e, slde that their two interests are identical. Outside Of the strikes that are going on in different localities of the United States, and the machinists' ctrike, which is universal throughout rhe I'nion. the differences existing be- tween employee and employer seem be much aggravated in this state at resent, particularly so in Seattle. ' "with hut few exceptions all kinds of ■ <Miments are admissible on both Bjdes of a strike disagreement. As far - we can learn regarding the present universal strike, the demands of the machinists are reasonable and we would like to see them acceded to. Ten hours la too long a time for a man t0 perform unremitting manual labor if for no other reason than that it is more than a customary day's length. No one can doubt, however, that the machinists' strike in Seattle is working, as is always the case regarding strikes—an injustice upon firms that are, to Bay the least, almost public benefactors. On the other hand, while we enjoy not an overflowing sympathy for the Electric company of Seattle, we do not like the principle that has involved that company's employees in a strike, which principle is also evident in the actions of the 'longshoremen, the Car- nenters' union, the sailors of the Garonne, now peaceably arbitrated, as well as the employees of the Spokesman-Review of Spokane. The law of force is not good in any department every man who has been endowed of life. The line that marks the prog- with a particle of manhood, there is ression of the world, has marked the a strong desire to protect the weak. substitution of that law by the law of Such a man knowing the numberless reason. The belief that to attack a temptations which beset every girl in struggling restauranteur and wipe our large cities who has to meet life's him off the map. or to parade with a banner in front of an insignificant blacklisted grocer is dealing a blow at the great iron hand that oppresses labor, is all a mistake. There are enemies to labor that we would all desire tc see put down, but they are neither the diminutive grocer nor the small restauranteur. They are to be reached not by the distaff, but by that unconquerable weapon, the ballot, in the Land of an intelligent, reasonable rican citizen. The electricians' strike is brought about not as a result of a decreasing scale of wages, nor as an expression of dissatisfaction with the present wages paid, but with the direct aim and object of forcing a company into admitting a master in the person of the union, and approaching that organization on bended knee and under a yoke. There are possibly in this case, extenuating circumstances. However that may be. we have no word to >ay in favor of the principle, which, while it may aid an individual union at some given time to make a "touchdown." is certainly accomplishing nothing toward the ultimate emancipation of the laborer and his problem. THE MASHER MASHED. A "smart Alexander" who was re- cently arrested in Kansas City for attempting to force his attentions on a pretty shop girl, looked upon the whole thing as a joke until he ran up against the judge, and then he had occasion to smile on the other side of his face. The court held that if the laws of aav land were made for anything, they were surely intended to protect girls who because fortune had not favored them so bountifully as it had some of their sisters, were compelled to make their own way in the world. After a severe lecture the judge therefore imposed on the masher a fine of $500 and recommended that he be permitted to languish in jail until that fine be paid. To all of which every decent man and woman will say "Amen." It would be a good thing if every court in the country had several struggle single handed, would be glad to do anything he could to protect her from these vultures in human form known as "mashers." It is only occasionally that a high-minded man gets a chance to kick one of them in the gutter, for they are a tribe of cowards, and therefore all good men will read this sentence of the Kansas City judge with profound satisfaction. A man who assumes that because perchance a girl may be working for her living, that therefore she is willing to make things easier for herself, by accepting favors from him, in return for which she must peril her immortal soul, is beneath the contempt of all decent men. That all such vermin may either be fined $500 each, or jailed, is our sincere wish. THE CAYTON TRIAL. The remarkable feature of the Cayton trial was the judge's charge to the jury, it thus develops that Mr. Cayton was his own most dangerous witness, and that ne came very nearly convicting himself. In the eyes of the city it was not Cayton, but Chief Meredith, who was on trial. Cayton was a forgotten memory. He never figured largely in the case anyhow—not so largely as did Mr. John L. Wilson and Mr. Humes. The city held its mouth agog waiting for the Wilson faction to prove the Humes faction guilty as charged, which proof, they all felt sure, would relieve the charges against Mr. Cayton. When, however, the judge instructed the jury that regardless of the truth or falsity of the charge made against the chief, they were to seek only for the evidence of malicious intent on the part of the accused, Mr. Cayton's testimony that his articles dad been written with a desire to injure the character of the chief had already heen submitted under oath. It seems that the substance of this testimony, in the absence of a transcript ot it. was a matter over which the jury could not agree. We have no desire to see Chief Meredith win his case. Any verdict other than for the defense would be an indorsement of the vilest administration judges of that very same character. Every city has its full quota of mash- that ever disgraced a city. Contrary ers. a class of fellows who look upon , to Prosecuting Attorney Fulton's state- every girl who is making her own way in the world, or is dependent on her own efforts for a living, as their natural prey. A more contemptible specimen does not exist. In the heart of ment, we think that such an indorsement would not reinstate the chief in the confidence of the people. There are some things impossible to God and this know a thing or two themselves, even though they can't always prove it. The nature of the judge's charge to the jury came as a surprise. Evidently the defense was neither prepared for it nor expecting it. They had banked largely on their ability to prove Meredith a grafting policeman, and were much discomfitted at the ruling of the judge, which excluded much of the testimony they had gathered on that subject. At that time they did not know that this evidence would be invalidated by his final ruling. We have not learned that they or any of their lnends have at any time intimated that Judge Griffin's well known sympathy for the administration and his antipathy for the P.-I.'s present policy had anything to do with these closely- drawn legal lines. The belief seems to be general that the judge's rulings and charge were within the meaning ot the law. But whatever may be the general belief regarding the lagality of the judge's position, we feel that the minds of the people, which admit no favoritisms. cannot deny the justice of it. The world should speedily frown down every vicious attempt of one man to injure another. It cannot be brought too rapidly into the knowledge of a newspaper man that his publication is not intended as an instrument to the more effectually pay off private grudges, or to do the small, dirty work of a private individual apparently not a party to the action. The greatest crime of the present-day newspaper is its subservience to the selfish, often criminal ends, of a private individual or corporation, and the crimes committed in the name of such institutions are as multitudinous as they are deplorable. In this manner are whole communities lied to. deceived and led astray, and the whole public conscience suffers rape at the hands of a single designing individual. Whatever may lie the outcome of the Cayton trial, it will be possible for several well-known "private mouthpieces" over the state to pick Klondike nuggets of wisdom out of the case at its present stage of progression. Mayor Tom Johnson of Cleveland, Ohio, still stands by his colors. Thursday. May 23rd. he again invoked the power of the courts to compel the nineteen county auditors who form the railway tax assessment board to call in railway officials to testify as to the value of their lines. This may be a trifle rough on the railway companies, but it is Tom Johnson's way of doing things, and they will doubtless be reminded in various ways and at various times that this same Tom is one of them. The people think they I Johnson is Mayor of Cleveland.
|Title||Seattle Mail and Herald, v. 4, no. 29, Jun. 1, 1901|
|Catalog Title||The Seattle Mail and Herald|
|Description||Page 1 article discusses the trial of Horace Cayton, a prominent Seattle journalist and editor of multiple newspapers including the Seattle Republican and Cayton's Weekly. Cayton was arrested by Chief of Police William L. Meredith for libel due to his allegations of corruption among city officials.|
Cayton, Horace Roscoe, 1859-1940
Meredith, William L., 1869-1901
|Creator||Hampton, Edgar L.|
|Publisher||The Mail Publishing Co., Inc.|
|Notes||Volume 4 (1901) missing issue 13.|
|Physical Measurements||10.5 x 13.5 in|
|Digitization Specifications||Master image scanned with Zeutschel Omniscan 12002c at 400 dpi, 8-bit grayscale or 24-bit color, uncompressed TIF. Master file size: 325,942,642 bytes [16 files].|
|Collection||Seattle Mail and Herald|
|Contributing Institution||The Seattle Public Library|
|Rights and Reproduction||For information about rights and reproduction, visit http://cdm16118.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/rights|
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, JUNE i, 1901
Seattle Mail and Herald
Published Every Saturday at 306-307 Bailey
Bldg. Phone Main 488.
By The Mail Publishing: Co., Inc.
Edgar L. Hampton
Twelve Months. $1.00. Six Months. 50c.
Entered at the PostosVs at Seattle, as
Second-class Mail Matter.
It it be true that strikes are the out-
eome ot pinched conditions in a country then it must follow that the present time in the present McKinley administration, is seriously ailing. The
fallacy of the generally accepted idea
(lt strike*, however, may be found in
,ll(. contradictory statement that
•ikes-' are the result of a restless spir-
i manifest either on the part of em-
i,,ver or employee. When times are
good, an" generally admitted so, men
are as apt to strike for higher wages
B the? are a^1 t0 strike against a reduction <>t wanes in hard times. The
person*! matter involved is always ap-
parent. It is difficult to convince eith-
e, slde that their two interests are
Outside Of the strikes that are going on in different localities of the
United States, and the machinists'
ctrike, which is universal throughout
rhe I'nion. the differences existing be-
tween employee and employer seem
be much aggravated in this state at
resent, particularly so in Seattle.
' "with hut few exceptions all kinds of